http://bagchiblog.blogspot.com/2012/11/the-end-of-indian-spring.html |
Arvind Kejriwal, of the erstwhile NGO India Against
Corruption, has made quite a splash since he went political. Even before he
named his outfit as “Aam Aadmi Party” (AAP) he had commenced his campaign
against the entrenched political establishment. His exposes, virtually like serial
‘bombs’, have already scorched Robert Vadra, the son in-law of Sonia Gandhi, Chairperson of the ruling formation United
Progressive Alliance, Foreign Minister Salman Khurshid, the suave but loyal to
the point of being a sycophant of Sonia Gandhi, Nitin Gadkari, the reigning
president of the principal Opposition,
the Bharatiya Janata Party, the Reliance Chief and the richest Indian Mukesh
Ambani, and, lately, sugar mill owners of Western Maharashtra, presumably
targeting the Maharashtra strongman Sharad Pawar, currently Agriculture Minister
at the Centre. The Ambanis came in for further treatment in Kejriwal’s
accusations regarding their alleged unaccounted wealth in foreign banks details
of which, though suppressed, were allegedly available with the government.
Jantar Mantar, New Delhi, Aug 2011 |
Widely reported, discussed and debated in the print and
electronic media, Kejriwal’s accusations need no repetition here. Suffice to
say that most of his allegations, like those against Vadra, Khurshid, Gadkari
etc., were on the basis of documentary evidences either ferreted out by him/his
colleagues or given to him by people who got adversely impacted by the
wrong-doings of the accused. By administering practically a weekly dose of
accusations against some politician or the other or people of substance, he
literally put fear of God in the corrupt among them. Setting a veritable cat
among the pigeons, he made many politicians anxious making them wonder whether
they would be next in line for the crucifixion.
Predictably, the social activist-turned politician came in
for choicest of abuses from politicians, especially those of the Congress. While
Khurshid called him a guttersnipe, others felt their prognostications about Kejriwal’s
political ambitions had come true. But they were not quite prepared for his,
what they called, “hit and run” tactics – throwing allegations at the chosen
target and then moving on. His singular crime, however, was that he exposed the
machinations of Robert Vadra in his new-found business of real estate that
helped him in accumulating, what people claimed, the fastest billions.
Congressmen, displaying classical sycophancy, came out in droves to defend
Vadra although they confessed that he was not a Congressman. Yet, instead of asking the government to investigate
the allegations, they hurled invectives at Kejriwal.
Probably for the first time ever somebody had the gall, the
insolence and the chutzpah to make accusations against a ‘personage’ belonging
to the (Gandhi) “Dynasty”. Associating Kejriwal with the BJP and accusing him
of impropriety, Digvijay Singh, Congress General Secretary, revealed that his
party knew about all along the wheeling and dealing of the son in-law of Prime
Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee but always acted “appropriately”, never breathing
a word about it – a confessional as queer as one could be.
Going political for Kejriwal was, apparently, a necessity.
His 9-day fast in July earlier this year failed to achieve any result. The
political class just ignored it and the government did not yield to his demand
of creation of a special investigation team for investigating the 15 Central
ministers who were alleged to have had cases of corruption against them. Perhaps,
it was ill-timed, too, as Parliament was not in session. Realising that the government
was intractable and that it was best to fight the politicians politically and
beat them in their own game he decided to create an apolitical party to fight
elections.
That, however, meant
severance of the ties with the Gandhian, Anna Hazare, who has always been
averse to politics and politicking. Parting ways with Anna, while Kejriwal got
busy in his weekly exposes Anna was trying to collect like-minded people around
him for his own brand of anti-corruption movement. Sadly, in the process the movement
that mobilised the middle classes for the first time ever in 2011 got not only
divided losing its innate strength but also lost its focus.
The IAC movement of
April and August 2011 led by Anna had a singular aim, that of eradication of
corruption through the instrumentality of enactment of a law for creation of an
independent and powerful Lokpal (ombudsman). In the backdrop of reports of
massive corruption in conducting the Commonwealth Games and allocation of 2G
spectrum it caught the imagination of the people, firing the youth and the
rising numbers of middle classes. As the movement gathered strength the media,
too, got into the act and gave extensive 24-hour coverage. The tech-savvy
members of the IAC made deft use of the social media making the movement
somewhat akin to the campaigns in North Africa and West Asia for regime change
that eventually came to be known collectively as “Arab Spring”. The government
at the Centre was flustered and indulged in nervous acts exemplified, inter
alia, by the attempt to wean away from the movement yoga-guru Ramdev who too
had muscled in into it. The attempt boomeranged and the political class was
virtually brought to its knees. A “sense of the House” resolution was quickly
rustled up and unanimously passed agreeing action by the government on some
sticking points and communicated to Anna.
Acquiring a larger
than life image, Anna broke his 11-day fast and retired to fight for the cause another
day. Standing as a colossus, he along with his IAC activists had mobilised
public opinion charging
up the whole nation against political and bureaucratic corruption. A patently middle class movement, IAC’s
offshoots cropped up virtually in every nook and urban corner of the country.
Young and old joined it putting the government on the back foot.
Journals abroad connected it with other such movements of the
middle classes in emerging markets. From Chile to China to North Africa and
Middle East to India middle classes rose against the established systems for
reasons as varied as environmental degradation (in China), overbearing role of
public sector in the field of education (in Chile), against autocratic
dictatorships in “Arab Spring” countries and rampant political and bureaucratic
corruption in India. The rise of middle classes, especially in developing Asia,
has given them a new-found power to swing changes in their respective polities.
The most rapid rise has been in India and China they and the political class,
unlike in the past, is now compelled to pay greater attention to their views as
the same is backed up by significant strength.
From the run-away success of the movement one had hoped that
the IAC would eventually emerge somewhat like The Tea Party in the US – minus
its ideology – playing a significant role in choosing and canvassing for clean and
incorruptible candidates and try and have those who were suspect defeated at
the hustings. By itself the IAC clearly had no way of getting round the
prevailing electoral system. For it the best option, therefore, seemed to have
been to bring as many clean candidates from the existing political parties into
the parliament as possible to get rid of the scourge of corruption.
Alas, that was not to be. A set of circumstances, from Anna’s
failing health to alleged manipulation of the media by the government against
the IAC to an ill-timed campaign in July 2012 and eventually its coming apart
ensured the death of the movement that had raised such hopes. The dramatis
personae of the movement are all intelligent and committed people and yet they
somehow could not see eye to eye about its progression. With two branches of it
going their separate ways their respective strengths got mitigated and, so has
been their impact. Losing steam, the ‘Indian Spring’ came to an end.
With the formation the AAP the last nail in the coffin of the
IAC (as people knew it) has been hammered in. The 2014 elections not being far
away, Kejriwal has given himself a daunting task to organise his outfit well
enough to enter the money-centric Indian electoral process. Only time will tell
how he fares in his enterprise.
The IAC split, however, was a big let-down for the people, a severe
jolt to the civil society which had rallied round in strength and gave it its
unstinted support. It is highly unlikely that such massive support would ever
be conjured up for an anti-corruption movement in the foreseeable future.